"We would like the members of the Visegrád Group to come to an agreement as soon as possible regarding where each country is planning to close its diplomatic mission in distant parts of the world. We cannot afford the luxury of all four countries moving out of Laos or New Zealand, for example. One of the countries must keep its mission there." This was said by no other than the spokesman of the Slovakian foreign minister, following the summit of the heads of state of the V4, which took place recently. To the question of whether Hungary and Slovakia would be capable of cooperation, in the light of the arguments between the two neighbouring countries, the spokesman's answer was affirmative.

Hungary is also set on substituting the Hungarian diplomatic missions doomed for closure with joint Visegrád missions or consulate generals. According to the Czech foreign affairs spokesman, in Prague they have already started to compile the list of countries where Czech diplomacy would operate joint diplomatic missions with the other three Visegrád states. Not so long ago, the Czech Republic was skeptical about proposals regarding cooperation of a lower level. "We shall be pioneers of a much closer cooperation, and the voice of the Visegrád Group will become much stronger in the European Union," was the reaction of the Polish foreign affairs spokesman to these new developments.

Omitting anti-Hungarian sentiments - which are only for "internal use" within the country - at the V4 conference, Bratislava, with the support of Warsaw, became the advocate of closer cooperation between the Visegrád countries. At the meeting of the heads of state in Sopot, President of the Republic Ivan Gašparovič proposed that a separate Visegrád Region should be created within the European Union. If this plan is realised, establishing a common institutional system for the four countries will be inevitable. At the moment, the Visegrád states occupy the presidential function on a yearly rotation basis. They regularly have meetings between the heads of state, prime ministers and foreign ministers. Cooperation, however, has no permanent administrative body as in the Scandinavian countries or the Benelux states, and they haven't even managed to agree on the establishment of a secretariat.

Lech Wałesa, the first Polish head of state following the change of the political system, proposed the establishment of community institutions right after the Visegrád Group was created. At the time, Warsaw was alone with this idea. Now it seems that the other three member states are also open to the proposal. Sooner or later, the question will become inevitable, especially if the four countries start to realise the Visegrád Region within the European Union. That would mean that the four countries could act together in Brussels regarding assistance, subsidies and aid. For example, they could submit plans together for the development of north-to-south transport infrastructure. What's more, they could also develop a common foreign policy as well. Last year, at the presidential summmit, the outlines of a new common foreign policy were already visible. Referring to the European Union's role as an intermediary, in connection with the Georgian conflict, László Sólyom, the President of the Hungarian Republic declared that the Visegrád Four must make sure that at the talks between the EU and Russia, Brussels doesn't establish its position behind their backs. Ivan Gašparovič spoke at the time about how the Visegrád countries would in the future express a common opinion regarding foreign affairs.

But what is the reason for this new effort to cooperate? Just a few years ago, the Czech head of state, Václav Klaus, opposed the creation of the Visegrád Region. We can answer this question with just two words: energy security. The gas dispute between Russia and Ukraine - which has been recurring for years - is causing quite a fright in the four member states of the Visegrád Group. The crisis we experienced at the beginning of the year showed us not only the uncertainty of energy supply, but also that there is no infrastructural connection between the V4 countries that would enable them to help each other. In January Slovakia was just a few hours away from being enveloped in complete darkness, and although Hungary offered its help, there was no pipeline through which to send the gas to the north. What's more, the European Union's decision was a disappointment, for although a decision was taken concerning the construction of a pipeline, the V4 countries only received a small sum. The EU supported the Visegrád Region with little more than one percent of its overall budget of five billion Euros. The European Commission contributed to connecting the gas-pipeline network between Hungary and Slovakia (Nagykürtös and Balassagyarmat), and between Romania and Hungary. However, the Hungarian proposal, according to which the EU should contribute towards the cost of connecting the Hungarian-Croatian gas pipeline, got no support despite the fact that a seventh pipeline is to be built between Belgium and Holland, even though there are already six lines between the two countries.

It is primarily Poland who feels that the region has fallen into a so-called "energy trap". Warsaw is also at the mercy of energy carriers coming from Russia, while the old Member States of the EU - especially Germany - consider only their own interests. Poland has already tried to avoid this problem. In 2006, Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz, who was the prime minister of Poland at the time, travelled to the various capitals of the V4 and suggested that pipelines be built from the gas fields in the North Sea towards Central Europe, thereby reducing our dependence on Russian energy carriers. Moreover, on the occasion of his visit to Washington, Polish premier Lech Kaczyński managed to get the support of George Bush, the then American president. However, the idea of gas arriving from the north did not have such a positive reception in the other three countries.

Since then, however, there have been two major interruptions in the gas transport arriving from Russia, and in the course of that energy crisis and the current financial crisis, the Visegrád Four have had to face the grim facts, namely, that they cannot really count on anyone else's help. That is why Hungary, which is currently the president-in-office of the V4, wants to get Brussels to take the interests of V4 into consideration when developing the European Union's energy plan. Furthermore, Hungary's aim is to improve cooperation between the electricity markets of the four member states, and to develop the construction of joint natural gas storage tanks.

It is difficult to predict how long this - presently enthusiastic - cooperation will last, and how long it will be able to replace the Hungarian-Slovak conflicts. At the same time, Bratislava cannot really maintain its dual diplomacy in the long run. As far as internal politics is concerned, Anti-Hungarian feelings will probably prevail, but the volume may be turned down somewhat, and perhaps they won't initiate open conflicts with Hungary. We cannot expect much more than that of Slovakia, at least not until the parliamentary elections - to be held there next year. A more restrained behaviour on the part of Bratislava will be sufficient for the cooperation of the Visegrád Four not to be thwarted by the conflicts between the two countries.

A Europe of Regions

The Northern Council

The forum of Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden was founded in 1952. The parliaments of the different states delegate representatives to the Council, whose scope of activity covers recommendations concerning coordination and the intergovernmental relationship between member states. The governments are obliged to report to the Council.

The Benelux-states

Belgium, Holland and Luxembourg concluded the Benelux Treaty in 1947. This meant an economic and customs union. The three states entered NATO and the Common Market - considered as the predecessor of the European Union - together. In 1958 they created the Benelux Union, which aimed at stronger economic integration.

Cooperation between Germany and Austria

The two countries consult with each other before discussions within the European Union about certain foreign policy and economic issues. They do not constitute a formal organisation, but in most cases they act together. It is typical that both countries have the same limitations regarding the access to employment of citizens of the new Member States. They are actively lobbying for the recognition of German as a working language of the European Union.

The Union for the Mediterranean

This union, initiated by French President Nicolas Sarkozy, was established on July 13th, 2008. All the Member States of the European Union became members, and Albania, Algeria, Bosnia-Hercegovina, Croatia, Egypt, Israel, Jordan, Mauritania, Monaco, Montenegro, Morocco, Palestine, Syria, Tunisia and Turkey also joined. The Union for the Mediterranean wishes to build a bridge between Europe, North Africa and the Middle East. Its headquarters are in Barcelona.

The Adriatic Charter

The charter was established in 2003 by Croatia, Albania and Macedonia, with the United States, and its aim is to promote NATO membership of the three Balkan states. Croatia and Albania have already been invited to join, but Macedonia must wait a while because of its dispute with Greece regarding the country's name.

The Eastern Partnership

Within the framework of this initiative, the European Union wishes to bring Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine closer to the Community. The leaders of the Union decided to launch the programme this year. According to Brussels' plans, the partners can later be integrated into the economy of the Union.