The Hungarians expect a little more from the four-party coalition cabinet - the Slovakian Democratic and Christian Union (SDKÚ), Freedom and Solidarity (SaS), the Christian-Democratic Movement (KDH) and Bridge-Now (Híd-Most) - than the end of officially supported nationalistic frenzy. On the basis of negotiations within the coalition, however, it seems that neither the KDH, nor the SKDÚ have changed their attitude regarding minorities. At the time, the Hungarian Coalition Party, led by Béla Bugár, had both positive and negative experiences with them during the almost eight-year-long period of joint government.

Iveta Radičová is now the new prime minister, and not Mikuláš Dzurinda - whose personality is more cunning and intriguing. (Dzurinda has been appointed the new minister of foreign affairs.) Perhaps the greatest enigma is SaS, which has hitherto not shown too much interest in minority problems, and whose representatives in parliament and the government have little or no experience in politics.

Safeguarding the interests of minorities

The events of July 2nd demonstrate all too clearly that safeguarding the interests of the Hungarian minority will be no easier in the future. Following the adoption of the main points of the government programme, there should have been agreement regarding the details of the programme, but negotiations were broken off because of a Hungarian issue. The Bridge (Híd), led by Béla Bugár, whose vice-chairman, Rudolf Chmel, was to be deputy prime minister, in charge of minority issues and human rights, and who was the last ambassador in Budapest of the one-time Czechoslovakia, and minister of culture under the Dzurinda-government, insisted on extending the sphere of authority of the post. For when a lower-ranking government official can also decide about the deputy-prime minister's decision, and when the former is the one who actually gives the money, then that function is no more than a show.

The Bridge demanded that the deputy-prime minister receive the department of regional and ethnic minority culture from the ministry of culture, and the ethnic department from the ministry of education, together with the funds that can be distributed. Luckily, the argument ended on a positive note:  Chmel got the spheres of authority and the money. This is important because there will be pure ministries, in other words, both the minister and the under-secretary will be from the same party. The liberal SaS got the ministry of culture, so there will be no Hungarian under-secretary beside the minister, who could have a say in finances, and the situation is similar in the ministry of education, headed by the Christian Union.

It remains to be seen how the Hungarian-Slovakian Bridge-Now (Híd-Most) can safeguard the interests of the ethnic Hungarians. Originally, there were seven Hungarian and seven Slovakian representatives who got into parliament, but after the government was formed, it turned out that there would be ten Hungarian representatives. Nine from the Bridge, as two Hungarians got in from the party list in place of the two Slovakian representatives who became members of the government (Rudolf Chmel and Ivan Svejna). The tenth Hungarian is Szilárd Somogyi, who got into parliament from the SaS list.

At the same time, hopefully, Hungarian interests will be represented within Híd by more than the actual nine Hungarian representatives, for there is Ondrej Dostál, for example, who stood up for all the Hungarian issues during the Fico-era. And finally, there is Béla Bugár, who - as deputy chairman of the Parliament - can once again become a decisive character of the parliament in Bratislava.

Of the programme points adopted by the four coalition parties, eight concern the Hungarian ethnic minority. According to one of the most important points, the senseless restrictions will be deleted from the laws concerning minorities. In other words, if culpability is omitted from the language law adopted by Fico and company - this was thought out to spite the Hungarians - then the law itself will become insensate, for what is the point of a law that does not impose sanctions. That is, the pre-2006 situation may once again be valid, and no one will punish the village culture house that only advertises its programmes in Hungarian.

Radicová doesn't like it either

It seems they want to delete from the Slovakian law (which was created as a response to the Hungarian law on dual citizenship) the passage according to which anyone who adopts Hungarian citizenship automatically loses their Slovakian citizenship. Coming to an agreement was not easy in this regard, for the Christian-Democratic Movement had voted for Robert Fico's law in parliament, and now it is embarrassing for them to back out.

At the same time, the new prime minister doesn't like the Hungarian law either, that is why Radičová and company are still trying to find the legal solution with which to have it anulled on Slovakian territory. Some progress has been made compared to conditions prior to 2006: a law concerning the financing of minority culture is to be passed. Up till now, Fico and company could spend money any way they pleased, but this new law determines how many percent of the state budget must be spent on the minorities, and how the mechanism of distribution works.

However, the comprehensive minority law that is part of the Bridge's programme could not be incorporated into the government programme, for the other three parties were not too eager. Incidentally, the Hungarian Coalition Party couldn't get such a law through while they were part of the government, and Pál Csáky was the deputy-prime minister. But it was not only Bugár and friends who had to make concessions this time. Among the campaign slogans of the liberal SaS was the introduction of registered partnership among people of the same sex, or the "decriminalisation of marijuana", by which they mean that possessing a small amount of the drug should not be a criminal offense for which one is punished. These will not be a part of the government programme, just as the Christian-Democratic Movement's demands regarding the Vatican Concordats won't either. In 2006 it was because of these that the party left the Dzurinda-government, and early elections had to be held.

Fico's last try

The Bridge got the agricultural portfolio, and the greater part of regional development belongs here, together with the European Union funds. As for the environmental portfolio, which also belongs to them, Béla Bugár considers it important because it has considerable EU funds at its disposal, and it is not all the same where and when the flood-prevention work can begin. These investments also mean new possibilities for employment, albeit not long-term jobs.

And yet the Fico-government abandoned this ministry just before they left, adding environment protection to the ministry of agriculture. That is why Bugár's party did not nominate anyone for that post, because the new government had to create the portfolio once again. That is why another under-secretary of the Bridge party, Martin Ruzinsky, temporarily joined the ministry of agriculture beside Gábor Csicsai. However, many people have already started to criticize the Bridge, because Ruzinsky as minister would mean someone who is unknown to the green movements and organisations.  What's more, he came from the state company Transpetrol, that is why it is thought that he will represent the interests of the oil industry lobby.

Among the government points is one that says the coalition encourages the construction of roads in areas where the traffic situation is the most critical. There are several such areas, but the Bridge thinks this turn of phrase means that the R7expressway will be built in the southern region, where the Hungarian minority lives. Supposedly, they have also agreed that the new oil pipeline leading to Austria will definitely not go through Csallóköz.  Consequently, Central Europe's largest drinking water source will not be endangered.

Very many things will have to be changed, things that Fico wanted to use to make the lives of ethnic Hungarians even more difficult, but a separate law isn't really necessary, a ministerial decree is enough. An example of this is the use of geographical names in school textbooks. But we must realize that the new government's most urgent task, besides eliminating corruption, is restoring the economy and putting the national expenditure in order, for without this, the financing of solutions for the problems of ethnic minorities is inconceivable.

As a result of Fico's spending spree before the elections, the till is now empty.  They have left behind them record-high foreign debts and a budget deficit. During the first six months of the year, they managed to accumulate a 2.4-billion-Euro deficit, which is unprecedented in the history of independent Slovakia. This time last year, after the gas crisis and despite the fact that the automobile industry had come to a halt, the deficit was only 1.1 billion Euros. According to forecasts, by the end of this year the deficit will reach almost four billion. The new right-wing coalition wants a more thrifty state and a more balanced budget, and what is good news for the citizens is that it does not plan to increase tax burdens.