It caused quite a storm on both sides of the Danube when - during its last session before the summer holiday - the Slovakian parliament changed the Slovakian language law, in force since 1995, making it a lot stricter. Interestingly enough, the governing power at the time, just like now, was the Slovakian National Party (SNS), led by Ján Slota.
For a democrat who is also sensitive to minority issues, it is really difficult to find an acceptable explanation for why this step was necessary, now of all times. The Tiger of the Tatras has by now tired itself out, its economic recession is quite significant. What's more, it can't really be said of the Hungarian ethnic minority living in Slovakia - who are often used as scapegoats - that their national identity is especially strong. Generally, they don't even make use of the existing language rights that they do have. Instead, they're preoccupied with their own everyday problems. In spite of this, the minister of culture Marek Maďarič thinks the most important issue is to protect the Slovakian language. And all this to the detriment of the ethnic minorty's language use. The MP's of the Hungarian Coalition Party (Magyar Koalíció Pártja, MKP) believe that the law violates the right of the minorities to use their own language. They think there is a coordinated Slovakian attack against the most sensitive spot of the ethnic minority's national identity: its mother tongue.
This step cannot really be vindicated on the international stage. Speaker Pavol Paška has to gather together all the ambassadors to EU countries and the United States, and explain in writing to his Hungarian partner, House Speaker Katalin Szili as well. Last year, he personally assured her that the new language law would not restrict minority rights in the least. Meanwhile, the long-planned meeting between the Hungarian and Slovakian heads of state is coming up. According to Gordon Bajnai, however, the law "is seriously damaging relations between Slovakia and Hungary", and the date and theme of the planned meeting between the premiers should be reconsidered.
Why is it necessary to punish the ethnic Hungarians living in the area known as historic Hungary (Felvidék), when times are so hard anyway? Why does an old lady from Csallóköz, if taken to hospital to Bratislava, have to be punished by legislation, and have to worry about not being understood by hospital staff? Why should the teachers of Hungarian schools be given extra work and have to write the attendance registers in Slovakian? Not to mention the interpreting at Hungarian cultural events, and the regulations concerning the use of geographical place names in the ethnic minority press.
Socialist witches' kitchen
As Gyula Bárdos, faction leader of MKP (Hungarian Coalition Party) has pointed out several times, what actually lies behind the language law being made stricter is that the strongest governing party, the left-leaning Smer, of which the minister of culture, Maďarič, is a member, is trying to overtake its coalition partner, the radical SNS, from the right, in order to win over its voters. Parliamentary elections are to be held next year, the effects of the economic crisis will be felt more strongly in the autumn, and local government elections will be held in November. Following that, the budget for 2010 will have to be approved. From January 1st of next year, the coalition agreement between the governing parties will no longer be in force. It will be difficult to imagine any kind of harmonized action between the parties of Fico, Slota and Mečiar. So something must be changed on the left, in the witches' kitchen of the Slovakian Socialists.
The best time of year for such a law is the summer season, when not much happens. According to the most recent surveys, the smallest governing party, Movement for a Democratic Slovakia (HZDS), led by Mečiar, is no longer able to cross the parliamentary threshold. Meanwhile, SNS, led by Slota, continues to be stable. Smer's only chance, then, is to win voters from its coalition partner by playing the strings of nationalism. And Maďarič is the most suitable person for this task. The talented politician embodies the manager-type new generation. He is one of the crown princes of Smer, who might later be considered as Fico's successor. He is anti-Hungarian, and what's more, he communicates extremely well. He usually gets to play a role when the prime minister finds himself in an uncomfortable situation.
The aim is to stir up sentiments
The law - which has now been passed - has fulfilled its mission, for it has managed to create tension. The only aim was to stir up sentiments. The fact that it might end up in the Constitutional Court because of the fines that can be up to five thousand Euros - as the representatives of MKP have already signalled - does not really interest Fico and his friends. Nor does it matter that in many cases, because of its hazy, ambiguous provisions, the legislation's practical implementation may be problematic (we do not know, for example, what the concept of "contacts made in public" means in places where it is compulsory to use the state language).
The collection of political points continues. According to Juraj Horváth (Smer), chairman of the foreign affairs committee of the Slovakian Parliament, the reactions of politicians in Hungary clearly prove that in Hungary, the elections campaign has become constant, and they continue to play the Slovakian card. "The political battle going on between Fidesz and Jobbik for the votes of Hungarian extremists ensures a constant radical rhetoric - which continually grows stronger - on the Hungarian political palette," he told the TASR news agancy on July 1st.
Coarse refinement
The minister of culture continues to claim that the one and only aim of "refining" the law concerning the state language is that in contacts made in public, everyone should receive the necessary amount of information in the state language. Maďarič underlines the following: "The main thing is that there should be no discrimination against either the Slovakians, or the ethnic minorities, and that if they want to obtain some information about something, they should not have to learn the language of the minorities."
Slovakia is not the only country where the state language and its protection have triggered strong feelings, and where, if necessary, the politicians also cashed in on it. However, it rarely happens in Europe that these issues are broached by left-wing politicians. In this respect, Slovakia is an exception.
The Slovakian language law was not written in the interest of the community as a whole, but against a certain part of that community, namely the ethnic Hungarians of Felvidék, also known as historical Hungary.
A few disputed regulations
All official written announcements - posters, information boards, museum or library catalogues, the programmes of cinemas, theatres and other events - should first be indicated in the state language, then in the other language.
On monuments and memorial plaques, the text should be in Slovakian first, then in the other language - exceptions can be made in certain cases.
In the Hungarian language press, for example, place names must be written in Slovakian as well.
In the course of "contacts made in public", the speakers at wreath-laying ceremonies, meetings, at the unveiling of statues, and other ceremonies have to use the Slovakian place names in Slovakian as well. It is not clear what should be done during a lesson, at parent-teacher meetings, funerals, weddings and conversations in coffee houses. Also, it is still not clear how Slovakian place names should be written in books, including literary works, from September onwards.
In settlements where the proportion of a minority is less than 20 percent, anyone using the language of the minority in official surroundings can receive a fine of up to five thousand Euros for doing so.
Those working in state administration, as well as teachers and journalists, must pass a language exam in Slovakian.
In the schools for ethnic minorities, all documentation should also be kept in the official language of the state as well.
In settlements where the proportion of Hungarians does not exceed 20 percent, the staff of social and health institutions may only communicate with the patients in Slovakian.
This step cannot really be vindicated on the international stage. Speaker Pavol Paška has to gather together all the ambassadors to EU countries and the United States, and explain in writing to his Hungarian partner, House Speaker Katalin Szili as well. Last year, he personally assured her that the new language law would not restrict minority rights in the least. Meanwhile, the long-planned meeting between the Hungarian and Slovakian heads of state is coming up. According to Gordon Bajnai, however, the law "is seriously damaging relations between Slovakia and Hungary", and the date and theme of the planned meeting between the premiers should be reconsidered.
Why is it necessary to punish the ethnic Hungarians living in the area known as historic Hungary (Felvidék), when times are so hard anyway? Why does an old lady from Csallóköz, if taken to hospital to Bratislava, have to be punished by legislation, and have to worry about not being understood by hospital staff? Why should the teachers of Hungarian schools be given extra work and have to write the attendance registers in Slovakian? Not to mention the interpreting at Hungarian cultural events, and the regulations concerning the use of geographical place names in the ethnic minority press.
Socialist witches' kitchen
As Gyula Bárdos, faction leader of MKP (Hungarian Coalition Party) has pointed out several times, what actually lies behind the language law being made stricter is that the strongest governing party, the left-leaning Smer, of which the minister of culture, Maďarič, is a member, is trying to overtake its coalition partner, the radical SNS, from the right, in order to win over its voters. Parliamentary elections are to be held next year, the effects of the economic crisis will be felt more strongly in the autumn, and local government elections will be held in November. Following that, the budget for 2010 will have to be approved. From January 1st of next year, the coalition agreement between the governing parties will no longer be in force. It will be difficult to imagine any kind of harmonized action between the parties of Fico, Slota and Mečiar. So something must be changed on the left, in the witches' kitchen of the Slovakian Socialists.
The best time of year for such a law is the summer season, when not much happens. According to the most recent surveys, the smallest governing party, Movement for a Democratic Slovakia (HZDS), led by Mečiar, is no longer able to cross the parliamentary threshold. Meanwhile, SNS, led by Slota, continues to be stable. Smer's only chance, then, is to win voters from its coalition partner by playing the strings of nationalism. And Maďarič is the most suitable person for this task. The talented politician embodies the manager-type new generation. He is one of the crown princes of Smer, who might later be considered as Fico's successor. He is anti-Hungarian, and what's more, he communicates extremely well. He usually gets to play a role when the prime minister finds himself in an uncomfortable situation.
The aim is to stir up sentiments
The law - which has now been passed - has fulfilled its mission, for it has managed to create tension. The only aim was to stir up sentiments. The fact that it might end up in the Constitutional Court because of the fines that can be up to five thousand Euros - as the representatives of MKP have already signalled - does not really interest Fico and his friends. Nor does it matter that in many cases, because of its hazy, ambiguous provisions, the legislation's practical implementation may be problematic (we do not know, for example, what the concept of "contacts made in public" means in places where it is compulsory to use the state language).
The collection of political points continues. According to Juraj Horváth (Smer), chairman of the foreign affairs committee of the Slovakian Parliament, the reactions of politicians in Hungary clearly prove that in Hungary, the elections campaign has become constant, and they continue to play the Slovakian card. "The political battle going on between Fidesz and Jobbik for the votes of Hungarian extremists ensures a constant radical rhetoric - which continually grows stronger - on the Hungarian political palette," he told the TASR news agancy on July 1st.
Coarse refinement
The minister of culture continues to claim that the one and only aim of "refining" the law concerning the state language is that in contacts made in public, everyone should receive the necessary amount of information in the state language. Maďarič underlines the following: "The main thing is that there should be no discrimination against either the Slovakians, or the ethnic minorities, and that if they want to obtain some information about something, they should not have to learn the language of the minorities."
Slovakia is not the only country where the state language and its protection have triggered strong feelings, and where, if necessary, the politicians also cashed in on it. However, it rarely happens in Europe that these issues are broached by left-wing politicians. In this respect, Slovakia is an exception.
The Slovakian language law was not written in the interest of the community as a whole, but against a certain part of that community, namely the ethnic Hungarians of Felvidék, also known as historical Hungary.
A few disputed regulations
All official written announcements - posters, information boards, museum or library catalogues, the programmes of cinemas, theatres and other events - should first be indicated in the state language, then in the other language.
On monuments and memorial plaques, the text should be in Slovakian first, then in the other language - exceptions can be made in certain cases.
In the Hungarian language press, for example, place names must be written in Slovakian as well.
In the course of "contacts made in public", the speakers at wreath-laying ceremonies, meetings, at the unveiling of statues, and other ceremonies have to use the Slovakian place names in Slovakian as well. It is not clear what should be done during a lesson, at parent-teacher meetings, funerals, weddings and conversations in coffee houses. Also, it is still not clear how Slovakian place names should be written in books, including literary works, from September onwards.
In settlements where the proportion of a minority is less than 20 percent, anyone using the language of the minority in official surroundings can receive a fine of up to five thousand Euros for doing so.
Those working in state administration, as well as teachers and journalists, must pass a language exam in Slovakian.
In the schools for ethnic minorities, all documentation should also be kept in the official language of the state as well.
In settlements where the proportion of Hungarians does not exceed 20 percent, the staff of social and health institutions may only communicate with the patients in Slovakian.
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